البيان رقم صفر [index]

Suite à la réussite écrasante de la Vignetterie, je tiens à informer mes lecteurs de la mise en place de « البيان رقم صفر » (français : Communiqué Numéro 0 ; anglais : Noughthnet), qui s’agit d’un « fôret », d’après Sterling et al.

La réception de la Vignetterie [reception]

  • ‘I do not desire to read this[.]’
  • ‘More Vignetterie tradwife content 😮[.]’
  • ‘Hysterically bemus[ing]…insanity[.]’
  • ‘Did you just think of this[? D]id you send it to like everyone ever? And do you genuinely read this stuff…[?]’
  • ‘It was like entering Pan’s labyrinth.’
  • ‘Your old website was more interesting.’
  • ‘It’s in French now.’
  • ‘I have a design suggestion…’
  • ‘[I]t’s like peering into the mind of one of the half-cosmic horror half-people hybrids Lovecraft was writing about. Given written by an Asian man and most of it’s in French too, it’s probably what Lovecraft was talking about.’
  • ‘Is there a single image on the Vignetterie?’ (I replied in the negative.) ‘I assume that’s deliberate?’ ‘No, I just haven’t worked out how to make the blasted thing I use to generate it include images.’

NDLR : Toute citation ci-dessus sera attribuée à son auteur si ce dernier le demande.

All connexions [connexions]

Connexion. Bandar Abbas [connexion-bandar abbas]

Connexion. Burma [connexion-burma]

Connexion. Burmese military intelligence [connexion-burmese-MI]

Connexion. China [connexion-china]

Connexion. Copenhagen [connexion-copenhagen]

Connexion. Dubai [connexion-dubai]

Connexion. Iran [connexion-iran]

Connexion. Khmer Rouge [connexion-khmer-rouge]

Connexion. St Petersburg [connexion-st-petersburg]

Connexion. State Administration Council [connexion-SAC]

Connexion. Swe family [connexion-swe family]

Connexion. Tehran [connexion-tehran]

Connexion. UAE [connexion-UAE]

Connexion. computational-complexity [connexion-computational-complexity]

Connexion. drones [connexion-drones]

Connexion. learning theory [connexion-learning-theory]

Connexion. linguistics [connexion-linguistics]

Connexion. pakistan [connexion-pakistan]

Connexion. philosophy [connexion-philosophy]

Connexion. tcs [connexion-tcs]

Connexion. unpublished-letters [connexion-unpublished-letters]

Varia [varia]

[001J]

Probable approximate correctness [001I]

An asymptotic argument for compositionality [001H]

Identification in the limit [001G]

Note. Some varieties of idealisation [001F]

I shall take idealisation to be the ‘intentional introduction of distortion into scientific theories’ (Weisberg, Idealization: 639) (presumably with non-malicious intent). The accuracy or realism of an idealisation is not, per se, necessarily of interest. It might mislead as to the preidctive inaccuracy entailed by the idealisation (Friedman, Methodology: § III.)

One lesson to draw from that example is that the purpose of an idealisation matters. Weisberg (Idealization: § 1) distinguishes ‘Galilean’ and ‘minimalist’ idealisation. The former distorts theories to simplify them, for computational tractability—‘to get traction on the problem’ on pragmatic grounds. The latter construts and studies theoretical models containing only the ‘core causal factors which give rise to a phenomenon’. In general, idealisations’ purposes are representational ideals, e.g. (Weisberg, Idealization: § 2)

inclusion rules [which] tell the theorist which kinds of properties of the phenomenon [are] of interest[; and] fidelity rules [concerning] the degrees of precision and accuracy with which each part of the model is to be judged.

For instance, completeness requires inclusion of all the properties of the target phenomenon, anything external giving rise to those properties, and an analogue of any structural or causal relationship within the model, all with arbitrary accuracy and precision. Simplicity can e.g. serve pedagogical purposes, or show the minimal conditions required to generate some property. Isolating ‘only…the factors that made a difference’ can help us to formulate or analyse more complex models. Predictive accuracy may be practically useful. And so on.

Note. Computation, cognition and language [001E]

Our earlier conclusions (A model of computation) might be summarised as making the following conjecture: physically plausible models of computation do not differ in the problems they can solve in polynomial time.

What has this to do with language? To a certain extent, the argument must be reconstructed, but its rough outlines are clear.

A first premiss is the so-called Cobham–Edmonds thesis.

The Cobham–Edmonds thesis is only meaningful relative to a model of computation. But, if the van Emde Boas invariance thesis is correct, any reasonable model of computation will yield the same class of feasibly computable functions.

I shall, at this point, make a

The Cobham–Edmonds thesis might seem to admit obvious counterexamples. For instance, an algorithm that takes Θ(n2100) time seems obviously infeasible. (For that runtime to be meaningful, it would have to be associated with some privileged subset of the ‘reasonable’ machine-class above; a good example is e.g. physically instantiated computers.) Less obviously, there is some reason to suspect that some problems that likely have no polynomial-time algorithm are feasible. In this case, we might nevertheless hold that, most of the time, the Cobham–Edmonds thesis is correct. For instance, there are surprisingly few ‘galactic’ algorithms, i.e. algorithms with polynomial asymptotic runtime that in practice are unusable; see e.g. Helfgott (Isomorphismes de graphes en temps quasi-polynomial (d'après Babai et Luks, Weisfeiler-Leman...)), Helfgott (Isomorphismes de graphes en temps quasi-polynomial (d’après Babai et Luks, Weisfeiler-Leman, ...)), and Lipton and Regan (David Johnson). We can therefore provisionally take the Cobham–Edmonds thesis to be a (defeasible) heuristic in the sense above.

What has this to do with language or cognition? There are, broadly, I think, two sorts of argument that relate asymptotic analysis to language.

For the sake of argument, I will assume that these arguments are right, and that, therefore, ‘language computations’ are amenable to asymptotic analysis.

Is the application of asymptotic analysis to cognition and language an idealisation? First, I shall give an example of computational analysis that plausibly is not an idealisation.

Let us suppose, with Searle (Rediscovery: 200), that

[T]here [is] some description of the brain such that under that description you could do a computational simulation of the operations of the brain…given Church's thesis that anything that can be given a precise enough characterization as a set of steps can be simulated on a digital computer…in the same sense in which weather systems, the behavior of the New York stock market, or the pattern of airline flights over Latin American can.

Turing (Computability: § 11) showed that no Turing machine decides the Entscheidungsproblem. If we follow Searle’s rendering of Church’s thesis, it follows that the brain does not solve the Entscheidungsproblem either. I suggest there is no obvious idealisation here. (Of course, the argument might be false; but on its intended reading, it should be read as approximately false in the way idealisations usually are.) In other words, a fairly natural computationalist view is that these results from computability theory apply straightforwardly to computation generally, and, therefore, to cognition—and so to language computations.

However, in a considerable number of the arguments to follow, some antecedent assumptions seem to be false, and, therefore, the arguments will have to be parsed as idealisations. To say that the antecedent assumptions are false is not to deny computationalism. Suppose we are given a learning task over some stream of data x1,x2,x3,... (e.g. linguistic input). It may turn out that the probability distributions from which x1 and x2, for instance, are drawn are not independent. For simplicity, however we may assume that x1,... are i.i.d. variables; making this assumption, we may find some asymptotic bound on the learning task. There is nothing inherently objectionabfle about the i.i.d. assumption, but it must be assessed as an idealised antecedent assumption, in addition to the computational model of language computations supposed.

Note. A model of computation [001D]

In Asymptotic analysis of algorithms, we saw how, given a certain sort of operation on a list of numbers, we could work out how many times that operation needs to be applied to sort the list. However, in general, we should like to be able to investigate the resource-intensiveness of computations for all sort of problems. In some cases, it is not obvious what the analogous operations should be. We shall now investigate a more general approach that allows us to deal with a considerably greater number of problems. We begin with a seemingly arbitrary model of computation, and then explain why it is not so arbitrary after all.

This seems quite arbitrary—

In general, we might therefore think that the putative runtime of an algorithm required to solve a problem varies too much with respect to the model of computation. However, one class of runtimes is highly robust to such changes.

Note that this definition is relative to a model of computation. However, it turns out that the class of problems that admit polynomial-time algorithms is robust with respect to all the worries above, i.e., changing any of those features does not change the class of problems for which there are polynomial-time algorithms.

Emde Boas (Models: § 1) puts it thus.

There exists a standard class of machine models…[that] simulate each other with polynomially bounded overhead…

This standard class corresponds, it is thought, to all ‘reasonable’ (Dean, Complexity: § 2.2) or physically realisable models of computation. The evidence for this is in effect that no convincing counterexamples have yet been found; it is somewhat analogous, therefore, to the Church–Turing thesis.

Note. Asymptotic analysis of algorithms [0018]

We begin with a preliminary example.

Similarly, other problems of arbitrary size can be posed.

A generalisation of the argument above in fact gives the answer to the question for sorting: approximately nlogn (Hoare, Quicksort). The complexity of 3-SAT is open, but widely conjectured to be exponential.

We can now restate the result of Hoare (Quicksort).

Draft. The asymptotics of language [0017]

Translation. Standing Together at the Institut du monde arabe [000L]

I have translated an interesting piece from FoST France–Europe.

Note. A grand unified theory of Chinese foreign policy when the zhongnanhai doesn’t really care [000H]

A friend recently asked what Chinese leaders are thinking about the Iran war, and noted their ‘message discipline’. My initial response was as follows: first, they are probably just confused; second, you don’t need much message discipline when the system is clamming up, because people don’t generally go out of their way to start posting; and, third, we should expect them to be confused due to a deep dysfunction in the transmission of information in the MFA and allied institutions (cf Taiwan, where all the information required is transmitted, but it’s simply not understood, because that would require understanding that sometimes Asian liberals aren’t merely CIA plants but might organically like not sliding towards North Korea).

My evidence for this general claim involves a close examination of Chinese policy in Burma and Pakistan. Eventually this will be written up here. For now, here’s an article from The Diplomat. You can fill in the blanks whilst I procrastinate.

Reference. Counterterrorism Expert Ajmal Sohail on Pakistan’s ISI Targeting the Chinese in Afghanistan [ramachandran2026]

Letter. Pahlavi and Rajavi [000G]

David Jones infers from Pahlavi père’s despotism that Pahlavi fils ‘can’t save Iran’. Jones praises his rival, Maryam Rajavi, leader of the Mojahedin-e-Khalq (MeK). Like Pahlavi fils, Rajavi makes all the right noises, but has never governed. Unlike Pahlavi fils, but like Pahlavi père, she has held enough power to have a track record—of abusing members of the MeK through ‘prolonged incommunicado and solitary confinement, beatings, verbal and psychological abuse, coerced confessions, threats of execution, and torture that in two cases lead to death’ (Human Rights Watch). Yes, prospective dynasts are politically answerable for their fathers’ crimes. And Rajavi is personally answerable for her own.

Note. Arguing with an imaginary vulgar Marxist, and other notes on the Iran war [000F]

Note. Against credulously naïve China hawkishness [0006]

This is very good (modulo gratuitous capitalisation).

Reference. New Analysis reveals Chinese Nationals now outnumber British Students in key STEM Postgraduate Courses at Britain's Top Universities [ut2026]

‘There are now more Chinese nationals than British nationals studying physics, engineering, chemistry, mathematics or computer science at a postgraduate level at Britain’s top five universities for those subjects. In engineering, there are roughly twice as many Chinese nationals as British at that elite level.’

This is not.

Reference. Why is Britain educating China’s scientists? [samuel2026]

Michael Jinghan Zeng’s fairly good FT Chinese piece, translated Yuxuan Jia at Pekingnology, expounds most of Samuel’s article’s problems fairly accurately. I propose to make these points more explicitly.

Reference. When The Times asked ‘Why is Britain educating China’s scientists?’, what did they really overlook? [zeng2026]

I make the following painfully dull assumptions (each of which should be read ceteris paribus for a reasonable range of starting values).

[0006-assumptions]

  1. It is not good for China to become military stronger.
  2. It is good for China to become more liberal and democratic.
  3. It is good for the British economy to grow.
  4. The more closely those involved identify with Britain (e.g. via naturalisation, politically and culturally), the better.
  5. It is better to achieve the foregoing more cheaply.

Samuel probably holds these (in my view correct) views for reasons I’d consider to be some combination of unenlightened and unsophisticated. Since I am lazy and cowardly, I shall only gesture at my obviously sounder reasoning, and decline for the moment to elaborate; but by way of explanation rather than justification, I permit myself to remark that I am a mostly deracinated évolué whose parents and grandparents did much of the évolution (see aside below); I preëmptively disclaim any responsibility for attendant misinterpretations.

Any sensible question to ask is of the form: what is the marginal effect of cutting the number of student visas available to PRC nationals—

  1. by some given proportion P, and
  2. holding fixed other parameters (concerning policy, the macroeconomic situation, etc.)?

For instance, given current policy in all other areas and some plausible medium-term economic forecast, what is the marginal effect of cutting the number of visas by one?

I have posed the question thus because Samuel does not particularly clearly distinguish the following two claims.

  1. There are too few British STEM students.
  2. There are too many students who are PRC nationals.

Obviously one can consistently hold both views. It seems Samuel takes each to partially strengthen the case for the other. This is obviously wrong. Zeng hints at the problem: ‘If the number of Chinese students were to decrease, it would not be the “Chinese places” that shrink first, but rather the overall size of the disciplines and the research capacity.’ To put it more explicitly: there is no overall fixed total number of students; there is no guarantee that when we throw out a Chinese trinmo, a Briton will replace them. It is equally possible that 0.1 British trinmos replace them and 0.9 places disappear, or some other combination thereof.

Zeng’s point is pretty simple: the presence of intelligent PRC nationals (both students and researchers) generally increases the attractiveness of Britain’s universities, and so usually works to the advantage of British students. That is to say, making the same assumptions above—

[0006-assumptions]

  1. It is not good for China to become military stronger.
  2. It is good for China to become more liberal and democratic.
  3. It is good for the British economy to grow.
  4. The more closely those involved identify with Britain (e.g. via naturalisation, politically and culturally), the better.
  5. It is better to achieve the foregoing more cheaply.

—decreasing the number of student visas available to PRC nationals would, with respect to 3 (growing the British economy) probably be a bad idea. Nor would it free up funds to encourage the study by young Britons of technically important subjects, because they financially contribute to the system. So this is not very useful.

What about the other points? I don’t think that British universities should conduct joint research with Chinese universities that seems more likely to be of military use to them than to us, for instance. And § 3 of the UKCT article mentions one such example. However, it also notes that it is possible to block research collaboration independently of visa policy, and that obviously it would be helpful not to utterly stupidly hobble investigations by e.g. only recording Pinyin names.

Samuel appears only to have read the first part of § 3, rather than its conclusion or § 4. In UKCT’s words: ‘those trying to devise policy approaches to support the public or national interest ought to think more creatively and constructively about how to address the concerns behind the ‘research security’ paradigm without resorting to “securitisation” per se.’ Although it is obvious that foreign students historically have played an important rôle in China’s technological development, it is far from clear that the marginal student at Imperial rather than Tsinghua will really make it any easier to invade Taiwan, given China’s recent development (§ 4).

Samuel blithely overlooks this point: ‘The problem is that hosting thousands of Chinese engineers is very much not the same as getting in bulk batches of Canadians or Germans. The Chinese state has an official policy of “military-civil fusion” whereby all civil technology is put at the disposal of defence and security needs as well as technological espionage and economic coercion.’

Samuel would obviously right to say that, in gross terms, admitting Chinese students will involve training some future military officials who might invade Taiwan in potentially useful skills. But this is the wrong question to ask; the policy question with respect to objectives (1) and (2) is: what difference does it make that they are here as undergraduates rather than in China?

The difference it doesn’t make is that they will be any better at e.g. coming up with stealth materials for fighter jets to invade Taiwan. We (that is, the West), have missed that bus. Samuel’s argument might have made some sense in 1996, but it hardly does now.

It is more instructive to ask why there are Chinese students in Britain in the first place. UKCT: ‘General push and pull factors are likely to remain supreme and include (but are not limited to) job opportunities, public safety, politics, family proximity, and all the other elements of quality of life, doubtless down to weather and food for some’. In other words, civil-military fusion ought to be on our minds in examining e.g. Sino–British research collaboration on militarily sensitive technologies, but is much less relevant in considering the marginal effect of kicking out the generic PRC national Imperial maths student.

Here is a conjecture: they are here because we are still winning in one respect, and one respect only. We are winning because we are still, broadly, democratically governed liberal polities, in which the penalties for (e.g.) speech (of course too high in Britain) are far more impartially and gently administered than in China. We are winning because we are far further away from turning into West Korea. We are winning because the voices of April can whisper in reading groups in the West.

I don’t have any particularly sound argument for this conjecture. Some reasons for hope in this connexion are that:

  1. informal conversation with mainland Chinese students suggests that the Shanghai lockdown severely radicalised many overseas students against the government;
  2. overseas dissident activity saw at least a brief uptick afterwards (e.g. at Tiananmen vigils, protests outside the embassy, and so on); and
  3. at least for a while, there was a meaningful effort to start reading groups and other forms of overseas dissident activism, which I think are now sustainably at a higher level than before.

The marginal effect of reducing the number of visas available to PRC nationals, I therefore conjecture, is something like this.

  1. It vastly diminishes the opportunity for political exploration that generally leads away from the ruling orthodoxy in China.
  2. It cuts off a useful source of human capital for own own economies, using which need not (given a sensible understanding of civil-military fusion) meaningfully be to the advantage of Chinese military power.
  3. At the same time, it cuts off a useful source of human capital for the Chinese state, which does meaningfully erode Chinese military power.
  4. In the long term, it will diminish the community of people who might indigenise foreign ideologies other than Stalinism in the service of the world’s second-most populous country, and therefore make any prospect of bettering Chinese society when the question of the succession arises dimmer.

One obvious rejoinder is that transnational repression makes overseas dissident activity very difficult. A first point is that this is at most will mitigate rather than reverse the effects of such activity; the Chinese state has no means of making people more loyal abroad than they would be at home. A second point is that, in the worst case scenario, and without a response, the primary victims of transnational repression are mainland students themselves, who are usually better off here than at home. But this is right: it is hard for mainland students to know whom they can trust, and to have open discussions. The measures I have seen to stop such effects will certainly have some effect, but it is unclear how much.

So a more interesting question than the visa question is how host countries can best facilitate political and academic freedom amongst overseas Chinese students; that, at any rate, is my response to UKCT’s invitation to avoid naïve securitisation, with a view to taking China seriously rather than credulously.

Aside: Pierre Mendès France [0010-pmf]

‘Zionists were infuriated by his refusal to support Israel unconditionally, religious Jews by his happy confession that the only thing that made him feel Jewish was anti-semitism’ (Johnson, Mendès).

Note. Might Burmese military intelligence know what they’re doing? [0007]

The short answer: it’s complicated.

Jurisprudence quiz: who said this? ‘The Constitution is the mother law for all laws. So, I’d like to note we all need to abide by the Constitution. If one does not follow the laws, such laws must be revoked. I mean if it is the Constitution, it is necessary to revoke the Constitution. If one does not follow the law, the Constitution must be revoked.’

Quite obviously, not the brightest chappy about; more specifically, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who took three attempts to be admitted to the Defence Services Academy (Mclaughlin and Webb, Senior general emerges), has generals detained (Irrawaddy, Myanmar Junta Detains Generals Who Surrendered to Resistance in Laukkai) and executed for following his orders to surrender (Irrawaddy, Defeated Myanmar Junta Generals Given Death Sentences), and is notoriously superstitious (Irrawaddy, Rituals and Yadaya; Kavi, Behind the Boasts, Myanmar’s Junta Boss Is a Superstitious Mediocrity).

This, in addition to the junta’s inability to decisively crush even ex-urban bourgeois armed with, er, hunting rifles (Fishbein and Vahpual, ‘Our only option’: Myanmar civilians take up arms for democracy), has created the impression that the Sit-Tat does not really know what it’s doing.

It was with that assumption that I began my perusal an exposé of a supposedly régime-linked group of media outlets controlled by the Swe family (Win, The shadowy past—and present—of the Myanmar Times and Frontier). Before reading it, I sent it to two friends who know something of Burma, both of whom concurred with my initial assessment: surely they couldn’t be that clever?

To my perhaps unwarranted surprise, Win wasn’t making much up. One has to scroll to the section titled ‘Happy stories’ for the salient evidence, but the gist of it is that military intelligence was, by organisational design, able to censor articles to its desires. Unless these documents were made up, and Frontier’s response (Kean, The other side) makes no such suggestion, Win is clearly right.

In 2004, some years after the establishment of the first Swe-aligned paper, the Myanmar Times, the junta arrested and jailed Swe fils. One vindication of the Swes would be if they were to have broken with the junta. But such ‘assurances were called into question two years later when Thein Swe, now 80, and former junta spokesperson Hla Min toured China on behalf of the Paragon Institute—a secretive think-tank close to the junta. During the trip he reportedly discussed Myanmar’s “national security” and the deployment of private Chinese security firms, preparing the ground for Min Aung Hlaing’s first visit as junta leader a week later.’

This, however, leaves a question: what’s the point of running what is, by all accounts, a fairly impressive media outlet (qua régime critic), in the form of Frontier Myanmar, if the Swes really are aligned with the junta?

One explanation is that Swe fils has broken with his father to the extent he can. I should like to believe this, because I should quite like to imagine I’d be such a person. Unfortunately, I don’t.

Another is that the Swes were a relatively moderate or liberal faction in the régime. Maggie, then, would not have been wrong, just before her time: ‘I think there are probably two parts to the Khmer Rouge: there are those who supported Pol Pot and then there is a much more reasonable grouping within that title “Khmer Rouge”’ (3:40). This doesn’t strike me as an especially plausible proposition, given the Swes’ continued alignment with the junta after the coup.

My working explanation now is that the Swes are an unusually sophisticated faction of the régime. There is no point in regarding them as more ‘liberal’ ideologically, but they are certainly more sophisticated (e.g. Swe père appears to be competent enough at English in the leaked documents). The reading that follows is that Frontier was indeed a bona fide opposition-aligned outlet, but it was also an insurance policy. And if you were relatively intelligent and on a ‘dominant’ side incapable of decisively defeating urban bourgeois with homemade rifles, you might also want such an insurance policy.

Note. Learning-theoretic results of linguistic interest. [0008]

Bibliography. To read du bon côté de la planète. [0002]

Reference. What Iran’s Dead Loved and Fought For [azizi2026]

Reference. The Iranian diaspora is fracturing in real time, across dinner tables, on WhatsApp, and in the silence of blocked numbers. [bajoghli2026]

Reference. À tous ceux qui demandent aux Libanais « comment ça va ? » [khoury2024]

Reference. Une terre pour un homme [aractingi2012]

Reference. Enterrer la haine et la vengeance [tueni2009]

Reference. Ghassan Tuéni : « Je voudrais que les haines ainsi que les mots qui divisent soient enterrés » [olj2005a]

{iran,liban}

Letter. Which side’s Tehran on? [0001]

Gaby Hinsliff (Dubai) asks who might fail to have observed that ‘living a few hundred miles as the drone flies from Tehran might have risks’. Topping my list are British columnists innocent of any salient expertise and even mere cartography, especially those who seemingly are unaware that Copenhagen is closer to St Petersburg (713 miles) than Dubai is to Tehran (767 miles), fail to wonder whether Iran might fire drones from the side of the country next to Dubai, and probably could not find Bandar Abbas (162 miles away) on a map.

Vignettes [vignettes]

Vignette. ‘Compared to Moldova, this is like the Riviera’ [0016]

Moreover, ‘kids are playing computer games’!

The first quote is from one of the most tinpot groups of which I have ever heard, viz. er this.

So visit the PRIDNESTROVSKAIA MOLDAVSKAIAIA RESPUBLICA today!

Vignette. ‘Kidnapping is part of tourism’ [0015]

Reference. 'Kidnapping in Yemen Is Hospitality' [lancaster1997]

‘After plucking him from a street in Sanaa, the Yemeni capital, on Thanksgiving Day, Mahoney’s captors slaughtered goats in his honor, invited him to join in daily sessions of chewing khat, a mildly narcotic plant—he declined—and tried to keep his spirits up with cookies, tea and cigarettes. They also arranged for him to teach an English class in a local school. “Kidnapping in Yemen is hospitality,” said Abdullah Ahmar, speaker of the Yemeni parliament and the leader of Yemen’s Hashid tribe, the country’ largest. “Kidnapping is part of tourism; it’s an adventure for th etourist, because the tourist will end up learning about the customs of the tribe, as well as their good hospitality.”’

Vignette. Rectify formalism! [0014]

Reference. Chinese leaders take aim at 'pointless' meetings and 'bureaucratism' [afp2025]

‘The 21-point directive on “rectifying formalism” is more than 4,000 words long, according to an AFP count.

Vignette. ‘…who had been sent to his dacha due to drunkenness’ [0013]

during the 91 coup.

V.S. Pavlov, via Wikimedia.

Vignette. A Lebanese Shiïte family that supports Hizbullah begins the day with the Marseillaise [0012]

Reference. Le français entre les mains des chiites [france242008]

Vignette. ‘Are you not dressing in London nowadays?’—‘No need to dress for fire-fighting’ [0011]

Reference. 1940s [lawson1970]

‘Eton and Trinity must have been the institutions least affected by the war. They went on dressing for dinner right through the blitz. I remember being asked down to Eton to dine once in 1940 and the invitation card said black tie; I rang and said: “Look, I’ve hardly changed out of my clothes for a week or so”. We were sleeping in what is now the music practice rooms. I was filthy dirty. The idea of putting on black tie! They were quite surprised: “Are you not dressing in London nowadays?”—“No need to dress for fire-fighting”.’

Vignette. Ve (is that right? —ed.) république offers constitutional advice [0010]

Reference. France says it will help draft constitution for Palestinian state as Abbas visits Paris [magid2025]

Vignette. « Pour moi, Hassan Nasrallah et le pape, c’est la même chose » [000Z]

Reference. « Pour moi, Hassan Nasrallah et le pape, c’est la même chose » : la banlieue sud de Beyrouth prend Léon XIV à témoin [robledo-davis2025]

Vignette. ‘Democracy should be like vodka. We’ve drunk 100 grams, and that’s good, but if we drink the bottle, well, that’d be bad’ [000Y]

Reference. Kyrgyz parliamentary elections feature lots of competition, little choice [thompson2025]

‘Editor’s note: The Central Electoral Commission informed Eurasianet’s correspondent in Bishkek that publishing the names or photos of individual parliamentary candidates during the campaign period is a violation of election laws.’

Vignette. ‘Fatwa on handover of precision missiles’ [000X]

Reference. Report: Berri asks Khamenei for fatwa on handover of precision missiles and drones [n2025]

Vignette. Most normal Ha’aretz reporting [000W]

Reference. 'I live in a luxury favela run by a gang. It's tyranny, but I prefer it to Israel's so-called democracy' [shani2025]

Reference. Money for Nothing: The Israelis hooked on the online findom fetish [nachmias2025]

Vignette. ‘Protect the ozone layer!’ [000V]

Vignette. ‘More or less worthy for examination’ [000U]

Reference. “It was torture:” Kyrgyzstan’s search for new anthem hits false notes [thompson2026]

Vignette. Mildly confusing comments from Norbert Mao [000T]

‘Imagine Kirunda Kivejinja resigned because of illegally taking fuel which he used for ubilding a road. People wouuld say you are mad if yuou said such a thing should happen in the current parliament.’

Vignette. « An 1 de la [révolution progressiste populaire] » [000S]

6e cérémonial d’hommage militaire « Sankara vit toujours ».

A friend says that some documents of an anti-Treaty group in Ireland they were reading dated its formation to ‘year seven of the republic’.

Vignette. Zaher Shah makes a Yank speak French [000R]

Reference. Exiled Afghan king meets with US Ambassador [2015d]

Vignette. Beyrouth, ma ville [000Q]

Reference. Beyrouth, ma ville [saab1982]

Dispo sur YouTube.

Vignette. Postman, not mediator [000P]

Reference. “Pakistan Not a Mediator, Just a Postman”: M. J. Akbar in Explosive Interview on West Asia War [akbar2026]

Instead of sensibly analysing the situation, we have this rather sad attempt to ignore Pakistan’s fairly successful strategic manœuvres amidst the Iran war. I hope at least that Akbar, seemingly rehabilitated after previous scandals, feels better about himself.

Vignette. Pakistan’s democracy medal [000N]

I discovered some months ago that the Pakistan Army awards a democracy medal. A friend jokes: this is a little like marking fighter jets after confirmed kills.

Vignette. African renaissance [000M]

Reference. Thabo Mbeki and the battle for the soul of the ANC [gumede2007]

p 257: ‘The ANC’s left wing simply dismisses the concept as a diversion from the real problems facing South Africa. At a meeting of the SACP’s central executive committee, deputy general secretary Jeremy Cronin slammed the concept as being an escapist ploy to avoid dealing with the hard issues of poverty and unemployment. Essop Pahad, Mbeki’s soul mate and minister in the presidency, was incensed. “How can the [SACP] have a discussion on the African Renaissance without coming to me first?” he demanded. “I am the minister in charge of the African Renaissance in the Office of the President.”

‘Cronin sent Pahad a note asking: ‘Did the Italian renaissance have someone in charge? Which of the two obvious personalities was charged with that responsibility? Was it Leonardo or Machiavelli? Which one do you thin you are?’

Vignette. Dress the part [000O]

Reference. Thabo Mbeki and the battle for the soul of the ANC [gumede2007]

p 182: ‘Mbeki’s choice as premier, the flamboyant Nosimo Balindlela…had taken to dressing in school uniform while the province’s education minister. Stofile had fired her from that post for poor performance and dismal matric reuslts, and her more senior appointment was not well received.

Vignette. Baffling internal Pakistani communications in the Bangladesh liberation war [000K]

Reference. Supplementary report [rahman1974]

‘It will be seen that, right from the commencement, the note struck by the Commander [to the general staff] is far from a happy one[.]’

‘One the 28th November, 1971 the Commander sent a signal in the following terms: “G-0866 (.) CONFD (.) for COMMANDER IN CHIEF from COMD (.) G-022, of 27 Oct. (.) most gratefully acknowledge your kind consideration in conveying highly inspiring appreciation at performance of our basic duty EASTERN COMMAND and myself (.) indeed indebted for great confidence that is reposed in us (.) nevertheless reassure you that all ranks by grace of ALL are in high morale and fine shape and imbued with true spirit of extreme sacrifice to zealously of defend the priceless honour, integrity and solidarity of our beloved PAKISTAN (.) rededicating at this critical juncture of our history I pledge on behalf of all ranks that we are at the highest STATE of readiness to teach a lasting lesson to HINDUSTAN should they dare cast an evil eye on our sacred soil in any manner, may be through open aggression or otherwise (.) trusting in GOD and your kind guidance, the impactful and glorious history of our forefathers would INSHALLAH be fully revived. maintaining highest traditions of our army in case such a GRAND Opportunity afforded.”

‘personal for COMMANDER from CHIEF OF STAFF (.) the enemy has stepped up pressure against you and is likely to increase it to maximum extent (.) he will attempt to capture EAST PAKISTAN as swiftly as possible and then shift maximum forces to face WEST PAKISTAN (.) this must NOT be allowed to happen (.) losing of some territory is insignificant but you must continue to concentrate on operational deployments in vital areas aiming at keeping the maximum enemy force involved in EAST PAKSITAN (.) every hope of CHINESE activities very soon (.) good luck and keep up your magnificent work against such heavy odds (.) may Allah bless you’

‘It is characteristic of the methods of G.H.Q. at this juncture, however, that most unrealistically and even without any foundation, the hope of Chinese activities starting very soon is being held out. We cannot help observing that not only at this stage but elsewhere the GHQ held out vague or even fraudulent promises of foreign help.’

From the governor: ‘for PRESIDENT OF PAKISTAN (.) it is imperative that correct situation in EAST PAKISTAN is brought to your notice (.) I discussed with GEN. NIAZI who tells me that troops are fighting heroically but against heavy odds without adequate artillery and air support(.) rebels continue cutting their rear and losses in equipment and men very heavy and cannot be replaced (.) the front in EASTERN and WESTERN SECTOR has collapsed (.) loss of whole corridor EAST OF MEGHNA RIVER cannot be avoided (.) JESSORE has already fallen which will be a terrible blow to the morale of PRO-PAKISTAN elements (.) civil administration ineffective as they cannot do much without communication (.) food and other supplies running short as nothing can move from CHITTAGONG or within the province (.) even DACCA city will be without food after 7?days(.) without fuel and oil there will be complete paralysis of life (.) law and order situation in areas vacated by army pathetic as thousands of PRO-PAKISTAN elements being butchered by rebels (.) millions of non- BENGALIS and loyal elements are awaiting death (.) No amount of lip sympathy or even material help from world powers except direct physical intervention will help (.) If any of our friends is expected to help that should have an impact within the next 48 rptd 48 hours (.) If no help is expected I beseech you to negotiate so that a civilised and peaceful transfer takes place and millions of lives are saved and untold misery avoided (.) Is it worth sacrificing so much when the end seems inevitable (.) if help is coming we will fight on whatever consequences there may be (.) request be kept informed.’

‘from PRESIDENT for GOVERNOR (.) your flash signal number A-6905 dated 7 december refers (.) all possible steps are in hand (.) full scale and bitter war is going on in the WEST WING (.) world powers are very seriously attempting to bring about a cease-fire (.) the subject is being referred to the general assembly after persistent vetoes in the security council by the RUSSIANS (.) a very high powered delegation is being rushed to NEW YORK (.) Please rest assured that I am fully alive to the terrible situation that you are facing (.) CHIEF OF STAFF is being directed by me to instruct GENERAL NIAZI regarding the military strategy to be adopted (.) you on your part and your government should adopt strongest measures in the field of food rationing and curtailing supply of all essential items as on war footing to be able to last?for maximum period of time and preventing a collapse 9(.) GOD be with you (.) we are all praying".’

‘This is characteristic of the kind of messages which the President has sent giving full but vague assurances. He talks of all possible steps being in hand and of world powers seriously attempting to bring about a cease-fire. He mentions efforts going on in the United Nations and gives advice as to food rationing.

Following another extremely pessimistic signal from the governor, the president replied thus. ‘The President answered back immediately by his signal No. G-0001 which read thus: "from PRESIDENT to GOVERNOR Repeated to COMMANDER EASTERN COMMAND (.) your flash message A-4660 of 9 dec received and thoroughly understood (.) you have my permission to take decisions on your proposals to me (.) I have and am continuing to take all measures internationally but in view of our complete isolation from each other decision about EAST PAKISTAN I leave entirely to your good sense and judgement (.) I will approve of any decision you take and I am instructing GEN NIAZI simultaneously to accept your decision and arrange things accordingly (.) whatever efforts you make in your decision to save senseless destruction of the kind of civilians you have mentioned in particular the safety of our armed forces, you may go ahead and ensure safety of armed forces by all political means that you will adopt with our opponent".’

The governor then sent to the president a proposed note to the Assistant Secretary General ‘call[ing] upon the elected representatives of EAST PAKISTAN ot arrange for the peaceful formation of the government in DACCA…[and] the UNITED NATIONS to arrange for a peaceful transfer of power and request (.) one (.) an immediate ceasefire…’.

To this, he received the following response: ‘"from PRESIDENT OF PAKISTAN (.) your flash message A-7/07 of 10 Dec(.) the proposed draft of your message his gene much beyond what you had suggested and I had approved(.) it gives the impression that you are talking on behalf of PAKISTAN when you have mentioned the?subject of transfer of power, political solution and repatriation of troops from EAST TO WEST PAKISTAN(.) this virtually means the acceptance of an independent EAST PAKISTAN(.) the existing situation in your areas requires a limited action by you to end hostilities in EAST PAKISTAN (.) therefore suggest a draft which you are authorized to issue (.) quote(.) in view of complete sea and air blockade of EAST PAKISTAN by overwhelming INDIAN armed forces and the resultant senseless and indiscriminate bloodshed of civil population have introduced new dimensions to be situation in EAST PAKISTAN(.) the PRESENT OF PAKISTAN has authorised me to take whatever measures I may decide (.) I have therefore decided that although PAKISTAN armed forces have fought heroically against heavy odds and can still continue to do so yet, in order to avoid further bloodshed and loss of innocent lives I am making the following proposals() one(.) an immediate cease-fire in EAST PAKISTAN to end hostility(.) two(.) guarantee of the safety of personnel settled in EAST PAKISTAN since 1947(.) three(.) guarantee o reprisals against any person on EAST PAKISTAN(.) four(.)I want to make it clear that this is definite proposal of ending all hostilities and the question of surrender of armed forces would not be considered and does not arise. unquote(.) within this frame work you may make addition or’; he then adds ‘"for GOVERNOR from PRESIDENT(.) do NOT repeat NOT take any action on my last message to you(.) very important diplomatic and military moves are taking place by our friends(.) is essential that we hold on for another thirty six hours at all costs(.) please also pass this message to GEN. NIAZI and GEN. FARMAN."’

‘“for COMMANDER FROM chief of staff(.) your no.G-1275 dec and PRESIDENTS message to GOVERNOR with a copy to you vide signal no.G-0002 of 110-130 December refer(.) one(.) for your personal information UNTTED STATES SEVENTH FLEET will be very soon in position() also NEFA front has been activated by CHINESE although the INDIANS for obvious reasons have not announced it(.) two(.) very strong pressure internationally has been brought upon RUSSIA and INDIA by UNITED STATES(.) INDIA is therefore desperately in a hurry to take maximum possible action against you in EAST PASKISTAN to achieve a fait accompli before vents both political and military are against them (.) three(.) it is therefore all the more vital for you to hold out as the PRESIDENT had desired in his signal no.G-0002 o 10430 DEC (.) four(.) good luck to you.” On what basis the Chief of Staff was stating that the Unites State’s Seventh Fleet would soon be in position and also that the NEFA front had been activated by Chinese we can not even conjecture.’

There are various other ridiculous excerpts, including an unclassified signal from the president to the effect that further resistance was no longer humanly possible (even as he had just proposed that he would manage to arrange a last-minute ceasefire at the UN).

Vignette. Oriental cooks [000J]

Reference. The Politics of Language in Multiethnic Militaries: The Case of Oriental Jews in the Israel Defence Forces, 1950-1959 [peled2000]

‘Military reports of the time incorrectly correlated illiteracy in Hebrew with general illiteracy among Oriental soldiers. The explicit assumption was that if a soldier did not command sufficient Hebrew knowledge, he was illiterate or poorly educated. For example, a team of military psychologists wrote in 1953: “One can fear that had these people been tested they would have lowered the [average] scores of their [Oriental] countries even further.’

‘The only course in which Oriental draftees performed better than the others was a cooking course. The singular success of Oriental conscripts in this cooking course turned into a pattern over the next few years. Within a decade, Oriental conscripts found themselves at the bottom of the IDF occupational ladder, employed in low-prestige and menial vocations such as cooks and drivers.

‘Ben-Gurion continued to preach his military melting pot vision despite his knowledge of the facts above. In public, he pretended that the military melting pot was operating smoothly. “There are no differences within the IDF, all the tribes of Israel are included among its officers,” he declared in 1954. Yet the alleged inclusion of “all the tribes of Israel” among IDF officers was rapidly approaching the proportions of tokenism. In August 1956, he wrote in his personal diary: “75,000 Iranian Jews are living in Israel. Only 10,000 of them know Hebrew. In the regular army there are two officers of Iranian origin.” Instead of commenting on these grim data, he proudly copied into his diary the names, ranks, ages and even places of residence of the two Jewish officers of Iranian origin.’

Vignette. ‘The Oxford variadic comma’ [000I]

Reference. P3176R1: The Oxford variadic comma [schultke2024]

Vignette. Interpellation(!) helmets(!) watermelons(!)… [000E]

‘Lors d’un contrôle routier, les éléments de la Brigade de prevention routière (BPR) de Kaya (not all of them! —ed) ont interpellé un motocycliste pour non-respect du port du casque. À la grande surprise des agents, l’usager détenait bel et bien un casque, mais celui-ci servait à protéger une pastèque, soigneusement placée à l’intérieur. Au cours de cette opération de routine, le motocycliste a expliqué avoir jugé utile de préserver le fruit qu’il venait d’acheter en cours de route, en le mettant dans son casque, préférant ainsi protéger la pastèque plutôt que sa propre tête’ (Burkina, Un usager préfère protéger sa pastèque plutôt que sa tête).

Vignette. Meanwhile in Chingola… [000D]

‘POLICE say they have not found any evidence to support claims that some men in Chingola had their private parts vanish after being tapped on the shoulder. …[The police spokesman] said, with the assistance of members of the public, the complainant apprehended a 61-year-old male suspect, also a resident of Chingola, and took him to the police station. …Mr Chilabi said with the consent of the five complainants, and while respecting their privacy, police conducted voluntary checks to verify the claims, which confirmed that there was no physical harm’ (Mwebantu, Chingola’s ‘vanishing private parts’ mystery leaves police scratching heads.).

Vignette. Gallivanting in 1956 [000C]

‘I remember how shocked old Manchester workers were by the 1956 Budapest uprising: “Nobody has the right to go out gallivanting and putting his wife and kids at risk. It’s just irresponsible’ (Ascherson, Soup at La Marmite: Communards in Exile).

Vignette. Recent remarks by Mani Shankar Aiyar [000B]

‘The bureaucrat-turned politician also said that he is called the “child of Macaulay” for speaking English, and questioned whether PM Modi knows Tamil’ (India, Never made casteist comment against Modi).

Nor is Aiyar (An open letter to Shashi Tharoor on moral amnesia, and more) sleeping particularly well.

  • ‘I was shocked to the core by your answers to anchor Rajdeep Sardesai’s questions on India Today TV last night…I have been so disturbed that I could not sleep and have woken at 3 in the morning to write you this open letter.’
  • ‘I have searhced my mind to find a basic reason for your unprincipled, amoral, and transactional approach to public policy…And the only reason I have been able to find is that you were born in 1956, 16 years after me, and, therefore, fell outside the ambit of the direct influence of Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Nehru. THey were just names to you. For me, they were a living memory. When I was juts six, I was actually picked up…by Mahatma Gandhi who held us in his arms, a couple of weeks before his martyrdom…’
  • ‘When it comes to secularism, I started having my doubts during a luncheon conversation with you several years ago. Then, I pored over your massive tome on patriotism and nationalism and critiqued it in an 8,000-word review in Open magazine.’

Vignette. ‘Those who consume fish are Mughals’ [000A]

‘“I eat fish in the morning and evening. PM Modi has said that those who consume fish are Mughals. If BJP wins, then they will come after your fish,” Abhishek Banerjee, a Trinamool MP said’ (Das, How BJP's fish is feeding Trinamool's narrative).

Vignette. ‘It would be difficult to say which is worse in Saxony, of their Publick or Domestic Architecture.’ [0009]

‘And on the 22nd of the preceding month, November, I had equally the honour of receiving Your Lordship’s Circular of the 14th of that month, with printed copies of the conditions (accompanied by Maps) on which the designs of foreign Artists for certain Publick Offices in London would be received by Her Majesty’s Government.

‘On both occasions, I transmitted copies of the several Enclosures to the Baron de Beust who holds the Home as well as the Foreign Department, along with explanatory notes; from the Home Department I conclude that copies will be sent to the Schools of Architecture, but I cannot hold out a Prospect of any good resulting from them.

‘It would be difficult to say which is worse in Saxony, of their Publick or domestic Architecture. The two great Buildings of late years, are the Theatre and Museum, as they call the Picture-Gallery; it, in fact, contains other collections. The exterior of the Theatre is far from handsome; it is a heavy misshapen mass with two principal fronts, the one of which is flat, and has not sufficient extent for its height, whilst the other Facade is semicircular, and would be appropriate for a hot climate. The interior arrangements are very good.

‘This is exctly the case with the Picture-Gallery: The exterior is very ugly, heavy, and of a different style of Architecture from the rest of the beautiful Zwinger, whilst the Interior for the Pictures is excellent.’

FO 68/99: Francis Reginald Forbes to Earl of Clarendon, No. 59, Dresden, 21 December 1858 (British envoys to Germany, Dresden: 307).

Vignette. Café arabophone [0004]

‘An occurrence which illustrates the depth of Christian Lebanese patriotism was when, at a committee meeting at the AUB, two Lebanese professors refused to allow Lebanese students to be listed, in a statistical table, under the rubric ‘Arab students’, as proposed by a colleague, an ideologue of Pan-Arabism. The dispute was only resolved when a Greek professor proposed that the rubric be changed to ‘Arabic speaking’. This was accepted. After the meeting we retired to the cafeteria, where an American wit asked if we would like to have American or ‘Arabic-speaking’ coffee’ (Gordon, Lebanon: 159).

Vignette. The British[sic] Journal of Poultry Sciences [0005]

The editorial board of the BJPS presumably ought to have been abolished with the tribunaux mixtes.

Vignette. An unlikely feminist. [0003]

On 4 December, just after the 1935 general election, a certain A.P. Herbert MP (later Petty Officer A.P. Herbert MP), junior burgess of the University of Oxford, made his maiden speech in the House of Commons.

Stanley Baldwin had just moved to accord government business precedence on Fridays when private members’ bills were previously discussed, to which the opposition raised no objection.

Dixit Mr Herbert: ‘Indeed, the conclusion seems to be that there is no conceivable combination of political conditions in this great democracy which would ever be favourable for tackling or even discussing these problems; and now, when I come here pledged especially by that great constituency, the most remarkable and unlikely constituency to give this message, the first thing that happens is that the Prime Minister says, "The first day on which you might move your little Bill is taken away by the Government." This little Friday, which cannot mean very much to the Government, might mean a great deal to me and to the thousands of unhappy souls who might benefit from this Bill if it were passed into law. [Laughter.] I am surprised at hon. Members on the Labour benches laughing; they are always talking to us about the human problems, and I should like to ask them by what feat of political chemistry they can isolate the problem of the slums from the problems of the sexes, the problem of unhappy souls who may live in the grandest house in Park Lane but would still be wretched, because of these laws. How can they dare to say to me that the bricks and mortar questions of housing are important, but not those problems of the home which our marriage laws create?’